Chapter 46

1 Jeremiah prophesieth the overthrow of Pharaoh’s army at Euphrate, 13 and the conquest of Egypt by Nebuchadrezzar. 27 He comporteth Jacob in their chatisement.

1. Word of the Lord. Heb. debarРYahweh, a technical expression occurring more than 50 times in the book of Jeremiah. Dabar, “word,” frequently has the stronger sense of “commandment” (see Deut. 4:13, where “ten commandments” is literally “the ten words”). Dabar may also mean “matter,” “business,” “affair” (see Ex 24:14; Joshua 2:14; 1 Chron. 26:32). Thus “the word of the Lord” is here Yahweh’s authoritative statement concerning His business with the nations.

Against the Gentiles. This verse introduces a new section of the book of Jeremiah. Chapters 46–51 contain a series of ten poetic declarations about various nations and tribes: Egypt (ch. 46), the Philistines (ch. 47), Moab (ch. 48), the Ammonites (ch. 49:1–6), Edom (ch. 49:7–22), Damascus (ch. 49:23–27), Kedar (ch. 49:28, 29), Hazor (ch. 49:30–33), Elam (ch. 49:34–39), and Babylon (chs. 50:1–51:58). The Heb. Фal, here translated “against,” is probably better understood as “concerning,” for although these prophecies portray many divine judgments, they also promise restoration (see chs. 48:47; 49:6, 39).

2. Pharaoh-necho. On the meaning of the term “Pharaoh” see on Gen. 12:15. Necho II (610–595 b.c.) came to the throne of Egypt at a time when the nation was undergoing a political, cultural, and economic rebirth. His father, Psamtik I (663–610 b.c.), had enjoyed the political and military backing of Assyria against the Ethiopians, who had dominated Egypt for about a century. With the disintegration of the Assyrian Empire he had asserted his independence from Assyria and had established the Twenty-sixth, or Saпte, Dynasty. Trade with Greece and Phoenicia flourished and economic prosperity grew. Newly gained independence and prosperity revived a sense of national pride and power.

When Nineveh fell in 612 b.c. the Assyrian Empire, which had dominated Near Eastern affairs for more than two and a half centuries, came to an end, leaving a political vacuum. The Egyptians saw an opportunity in this situation to re-establish an empire in Western Asia. Shortly after Necho II succeeded his father in 610 b.c., an Egyptian army was dispatched to aid the Assyrians, whom the Babylonians had ejected from an emergency capital set up at Haran. The campaign did not succeed in recapturing Haran. It was apparently at this time (609) that Necho, on his way through Palestine toward Haran, defeated the troops of Judah and killed King Josiah in the battle of Megiddo (2 Kings 23:29, 30; 2 Chron. 35:20–27), and then went north against the Babylonians in Syria to strengthen his headquarters at Carchemish on the Euphrates (2 Chron. 35:20). Three months later he returned, and at Riblah (2 Kings 23:31, 33) put Jehoahaz, the new king of Judah, in bonds and placed on the throne Jehoiakim (2 Kings 23:34), who was evidently less nationalistic and more inclined to follow foreign leadership. (Dating these events in 609 b.c.—not, as formerly, in 608—shifts other reigns: Manasseh through the accession of Jehoiakim, also several contemporary pharaohs.)

Four years later Necho’s armies were expelled from Carchemish.

Carchemish. A town on the western bank of the Euphrates, commanding one of the river’s most important fords. It was the natural crossing point into Mesopotamia for armies invading from the West, and was thus a place of great strategic and commercial importance.

Nebuchadrezzar. See also the comment on Dan. 1:1. It was Nebuchadnezzar’s father, Nabopolassar (626–605 b.c.), who, with the Medes and Scythians, accomplished the destruction of the Assyrian Empire. Holding the eastern half of the Fertile Crescent, he would naturally desire to rule the Westland also. He thus became the chief opponent of Necho, who was trying to reestablish control over Palestine and Syria.

Until 1956 there were no known contemporary records of Nabopolassar’s later years. But a newly found chronicle (see p. 756) tells how the crown prince, Nebuchadnezzar, won the decisive battle with Egypt in 605, and was immediately recalled by his father’s death. This new chronicle gives us the Babylonian version of the events back of several Biblical narratives: the death of Josiah, the battle of Carchemish, the invasions in which Daniel, Jehoiachin, and Ezekiel were taken captive. The capture of Jehoiachin (unnamed) is mentioned, and dated Adar 2 (approximately March 16, 597 b.c.).

Fourth year of Jehoiakim. According to ch. 25:1, the fourth year of Jehoiakim was the first year of Nebuchadnezzar, 604 b.c. Therefore many have accepted 604 as the date of the battle of Carchemish.

The difficulty, however, with this view is that the chronicle (like Berosus; see on Dan. 1:1) places this battle before the accession of Nebuchadnezzar, whereas this verse is generally taken to mean that the accession of Nebuchadnezzar, whereas Jeremiah states that the battle of Carchemish was fought in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, the first year of Nebuchadnezzar, at least some months after he had come to the throne. Josephus (Antiquities x. 6. 1) thus interprets Jeremiah as dating the battle after Nebuchadnezzar’s accession.

Formerly, before the chronicle was known, when historical sources for the years 609–604 b.c. were lacking for events in Palestine and Syria, it was thought that soon after the battle of Megiddo (now dated in 609 b.c.) the Babylonians had taken over Palestine and Syria, and that Berosus spoke of a rebellion against them.

Some have solved the problem by equating the 4th year of Jehoiakim with the accession year (before the 1st) of Nebuchadnezzar.

But another explanation has been offered. The phrase “in the fourth year of Jehoiakim” can just as logically be taken as the date, not of the battle, but of the message (v. 1) that came to the prophet “against Egypt, against the army of Pharaoh-necho king of Egypt … in the fourth year.” In that case, the two intervening relative clauses introduced by “which” can be taken as parenthetical, an allusion to the well-known battle of the preceding year. The Hebrew without the punctuation will allow this interpretation, which leaves the battle undated in Jeremiah’s account, and thus eliminates the difficulty.

3. Order ye. That is, “put ye in order,” “prepare.”

Buckler. Heb. magen, a small, possibly circular, shield used by light-armed troops.

Shield. Heb. sinnah, a long shield for the protection of the entire body, used by heavily armed troops.

4. Furbish. That is, “polish.”

Brigandines. Heb. siryonoth, “suits of armor.”

5. Wherefore? The prophet expresses surprise at the defeat of the Egyptians. He had probably witnessed personally the Egyptian retreat from Carchemish with the Babylonians close behind.

Saith the Lord. Heb. neХumРYahweh. This expression of divine affirmation appears more than 160 times in Jeremiah.

6. The north. See on ch. 1:14.

7. A flood. Heb. yeХor, from Egyptian Хiteru, “the river,” that is, the Nile (see Gen. 41:1, 2; Ex. 1:22; 2:3; 7:15, 17–21, 24, 25). Egypt, virtually a rainless country, was dependent upon the annual inundation of the Nile for irrigation. The time when the Nile reached its high point in September and October marked the chief event of the year, and from ancient times was carefully recorded. The prophet here uses the picture of the flooding Nile as a striking figure of the Egyptian armies over-running Palestine and Syria (see Jer. 46:8).

9. Ethiopians. Heb. Kush (see on Gen. 10:6).

Libyans. Heb. PuЖt. Inhabitants of Punt or of Libya on the north coast of Africa (see on Gen. 10:6).

Lydians. Heb. Ludim. It is not certain whether the Ludim mentioned here were Lydians from western Asia Minor or an African tribe neighboring Egypt. In favor of the former view is the LXX rendering, Ludoi, “Lydians,” and the fact that an inscription of Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria, states that Necho’s father, Psamtik I, had troops in his army furnished by Gyges, king of Lydia. In favor of their being an African tribe is the fact that the Ludim descended from Mizraim, the son of Ham, which would relate them to the Egyptians. This, of course, would not preclude their having migrated at an early date from Africa to Asia Minor (see on Gen. 10:13).

The Lydians are not to be confused with the descendants of Lud, the son of Shem, who seem to have been a north Mesopotamian people (Gen. 10:22; 1 Chron 1:17; see on Gen. 10:22).

10. Lord God of hosts. On the meaning of this expression see on ch. 7:3.

Sword shall devour. In the Hebrew, swords are represented as having mouths. Thus “the edge of the sword” is literally “the mouth of the sword” (Gen. 34:26); a “twoedged sword” is literally “a sword of mouths” (Prov. 5:4). The handles of swords were sometimes constructed in the shape of an animal’s head, with the blade protruding from the beast’s mouth.

Sacrifice. Heb. zebach, from zabach, “to sacrifice,” or “to slaughter.” Here the root meaning, “slaughter,” seems the more prominent idea.

North country. See on ch. 1:14.

11. Virgin. A favorite expression of Jeremiah in referring to the people of Israel (see Jer. 14:17; 18:13; 31:4, 21; Lam. 1:15; 2:13). Here it is applied to Egypt.

Shalt thou use. This may be translated in the present tense, “thou art taking” (see RSV), or in the past, “In vain you have used many medicines” (RSV). The Egyptians were pre-eminent among the peoples of the ancient Near East in medical practice. Two important Egyptian medical treatises have been found, the Edwin Smith Surgical Papyrus and the Ebers Medical Papyrus. They indicate that the practical aspects of Egyptian medicine were on a remarkably high level at an early date. Physicians showed skill in the treatment of fractures and understood the value of the pulse in determining the condition of a patient. They came near discovering the circulation of the blood. Herodotus (iii. 1, 129) states that the Persian emperors Cyrus and Darius employed Egyptian physicians. The Greeks drew so heavily for their medical science upon Egyptian knowledge that they identified their god of medicine, Asclepius (called by the Romans Aesculapius), with the Egyptian physician and sage of the Third Dynasty, Imhotep. The prophet’s thought seems to be that although Egypt might produce the world’s greatest physicians, there was to be no healing of her own wounds in the day of visitation.

13. The word. See on v. 1. This verse is written in prose. Verses 3–12, 14–24, and 27, 28 are in poetic form. Verse 13 introduces a new section of the prophetic message, a forecast of Nebuchadnezzar’s invasion of Egypt.

Should come. Because of lack of positive historical confirmation, many scholars have doubted that the predicted invasion of Egypt by the Babylonians described here and in Jer. 43:8–13; 44:30; Eze. 29:1–20 actually took place. Josephus states that “in the fifth year after the sacking of Jerusalem, which was the twenty-third year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchadnezzar … invaded Egypt in order to subdue it, and, having killed the king who was then reigning and appointed another, he again took captive the Jews who were in the country and carried them to Babylon” (Antiquities x. 9. 7). That this statement by Josephus cannot be entirely depended upon is evident from the fact that Apries was the king of Egypt from 589 to 570 b.c. and so was not killed by Nebuchadnezzar in the latter’s 23d year (582 b.c.). There is, moreover, no contemporary evidence that Egypt was invaded at that time. Some historians previously interpreted an inscription of one Nesuhor, governor of Elephantine under Apries, as indicating that Nebuchadnezzar invaded Egypt and penetrated as far south as Assuan (also written Asw_an). But subsequent study has shown that the inscription in question was misinterpreted and that it applies rather to a mutiny by Greek and Asiatic mercenaries in Upper Egypt.

There is, however, a fragmentary Babylonian tablet dated in the 37th year of Nebuchadnezzar (568 b.c.) that speaks of a conflict between Nebuchadnezzar and Amasis of Egypt. Although it is impossible to determine the details of this invasion, the fact that it came not long after Amasis overthrew his predecessor, Apries, would seem to indicate that Nebuchadnezzar saw in the civil war then raging in Egypt an opportunity to conquer that weakened country and add it to his empire. This event may also be the correct setting of Josephus’ narrative (see previous paragraph). Ezekiel’s prophecy (ch. 29:17–20) of a Babylonian conquest, given in the “seven and twentieth year” (571 or 570 b.c.), adds further probability to an invasion about this time. Secular history is silent as to the extent of the success of this Babylonian invasion. There may have been more than one campaign, but it is thought by some that this campaign is the one described here by Jeremiah.

Some have suggested that Jeremiah may have been an eyewitness of the events described in ch. 46:13–26. In such an event Jeremiah would have been an old man. This invasion of 568/67 b.c. came about 60 years after he had begun to prophesy in 628/27 or 627/26 b.c.

14. Migdol. See on ch. 44:1.

Noph. That is, Memphis (see on ch. 2:16).

Tahpanhes. See on ch. 2:16.

It is noteworthy that all the cities mentioned here are in Lower Egypt, which fact may indicate that the Babylonian invasion did not penetrate far up the Nile valley.

15. Swept away. A change in vowel pointing permits the translation “Chep has fled.” This would agree with the LXX, which here reads, “Why has Apis fled?” Apis, Egyptian Hep, was from early historical times the bull-god of Memphis. Several inscriptions from the Twenty-sixth Dynasty, during which time Jeremiah was in Egypt, speaks of Hep as “installed in the house of Ptah,” the chief god of Memphis. Apis was believed to be incarnate in a succession of sacred bulls, which were kept in great luxury at Memphis for worship and divination. When such bulls died they were mummified and buried with great care.

In 1850 the French archeologist Mariette discovered the Serapeum at Sakkara, an ancient cemetery of Memphis. This consists of two subterranean galleries about 1,200 ft. (366 m.) long, lined with tomb chambers that contained the mummified bodies of more than 60 bulls, ranging in date from the 14th to the 2d century b.c. The second of these galleries was built by Psamtik I, a contemporary of Jeremiah, which fact indicates the exalted place the worship of Apis held at the time of the prophecy.

The probability that Apis was here in the prophet’s mind is strengthened by the fact that the Heb. Хabbir, “valiant one,” also means “bull” and is so translated in Ps. 22:12; 50:13; 68:30; Isa. 34:7. As in the days of Moses the Egyptian gods were revealed in their true light (see on Ex. 8:2; 10:21), so now dramatizing the defeat of the Egyptians, Jeremiah seems to be pointing to the helplessness of the great bull gods.

16. Let us go. These are evidently the words of the mercenary troops, Greeks, various African tribes, peoples from Asia Minor, commonly employed in the Egyptian armies of this period. Lacking an innate loyalty to Egypt, they were ready to desert when they realized themselves defeated.

17. Cry there. A slight change in vowel pointing permits the translation, “Call the name of Pharaoh, king of Egypt, ‘Noisy one …’” (RSV).

Pharaoh. An Egyptian royal title rather than the proper name of the king (see on Gen. 12:15). It is not clear which ruler is here referred to. The LXX identifies him as Necho, but this translation is clearly interpretative.

He hath passed the time appointed. Or, “he has let the appointed time pass by.” The scarcity of historical information regarding the war that Jeremiah here describes (see on v. 13) makes it impossible to know whether or not this statement refers to some slackness on the part of Pharaoh in joining battle with the Babylonians when it might have been to his advantage.

There may be a reference here to the passing of the day of opportunity for the Egyptian nation. Every nation has been permitted to occupy its place to determine whether it will fulfill the divine purpose. When a nation fails, its glory departs (PK 535; see on Dan. 4:17).

19. Noph. See on ch. 2:16.

20. Destruction. Heb. qeres, a word appearing only here in the Bible. Its root meaning, “to pinch,” “to nip,” suggests that qeres may refer to a biting insect that stings the heifer of Egypt into flight. The RSV reads, “a gadfly from the north has come upon her.”

North. See on ch. 1:14.

21. Hired men. This is a further reference to the mercenaries who played a prominent role in the Egyptian army during this period (see on vs. 9, 16).

Visitation. From the Heb. paqad, meaning basically, “to visit,” but used frequently in the sense of visiting with punishment (see Ex. 20:5; Job 35:15; Ps. 59:5; Isa. 26:14; Jer. 14:10). “Time of their visitation,” “year of their visitation,” are favorite expressions with Jeremiah (see chs. 8:12; 10:15; 11:23; 23:12; 48:44; 50:27; 51:18). However, paqad may also mean to visit with a divine blessing (see Gen. 21:1; Ps. 80:14). Jehovah’s day of visitation upon Egypt was not only a punishment but also a call to rectitude of action and repentance of heart (see Jer. 46:28).

22. Like a serpent. That is, the sound of the Egyptian army in retreat is not like the tread of well-ordered troops, but resembles rather a furtive attempt to glide away quietly before the oncoming Babylonians, who “march with an army.”

23. Forest. Here probably used figuratively for the multitude of the soldiers in the Egyptian army, or to represent the density of the population. It can hardly be taken literally, as there were no forests in Egypt.

24. North. See on ch. 1:14.

25. The Lord of hosts. See on ch. 7:3.

Multitude of No. Heb. ХAmon minnoХ, literally, “Amon from No.” The Egyptian city called Thebes (the modern Luxor and Karnak), about 310 mi. (c. 468 km.) south of Cairo, on the Nile. Amen was originally the local god of Thebes; hence the city came to be known in Egyptian also as Niut ХImen, “the city of Amen.” The Biblical “No” is a Hebrew transliteration of the first part of the Egyptian name for the city.

With the beginning of the Middle Kingdom in Egypt (about 2000 b.c.) and the establishment of the capital city at Thebes, the local god Amen quickly rose to supremacy among the deities of Egypt. To him were given the attributes of the sun god RaФ, and the two deities were identified as one under the name AmenРRaФ. The importance of Amen is illustrated by the prominence of the names Amenemhet, which was borne by four kings of the Middle Kingdom, and Amenhotep, the name of four other kings of the Imperial period. Several other Pharaohs, such as Tutankhamen also bore names compounded from Amen. During the Twenty-first Dynasty (c. 1085–c. 950 b.c.) the high priests of Amen actually ruled as kings of Egypt, and in Jeremiah’s time the high priestesses of Amen were royal princesses. Probably the greatest evidence of the pre-eminence of AmenРRaФ is his temple at Karnak, part of ancient Thebes, which, though in ruins, still remains one of the greatest surviving architectural monuments of the ancient world.

By promising punishment on Amen and on Pharaoh, the Lord symbolized the coming of His wrath upon the entire religious and political systems of Egypt.

26. It shall be inhabited. This verse reveals the true purpose of God’s judgments upon Egypt. The visitations were not intended to destroy her utterly, but to bring her, by humiliation, to repentance.

27. Fear not thou. The terrible picture of defeat for Egypt portrayed in this chapter ends with a message of hope for Israel. Divine judgments upon Israel’s neighbors, as well as those upon herself, were intended to bring about her return to God.