Chapter 17

1 Paul preacheth at Thessalonica, 4 where some believe, and others persecute him. 10 He is sent to Berea, and preacheth there. 13 Being persecuted at Thessalonica, 15 he cometh to Athens, and disputeth, and preacheth the living God to them unknown, 34 whereby many are converted unto Christ.

1. Had passed through. Gr. diodeuoµ, “to make one’s way,” from dia, “through,” and hodos, “way.” In the NT the Greek verb occurs only here and in Luke 8:1. Its use provides further evidence for the common authorship of the two books.

Amphipolis. About 30 mi. (48 km.) southwest of Philippi. In earlier days this city was known as Ennea Hodoi (“Nine Roads”), in acknowledgment of its strategic position. Under the Romans, Amphipolis became the capital of the first of the four sections into which the Roman province of Macedonia was divided.

Apollonia. About 30 mi. (48 km.) southwest from Amphipolis. The exact site of the city is uncertain. The two towns just mentioned may have been overnight stops for the travelers from Philippi, although traveling distances of about 30 mi. daily would have placed a great strain on men who had been recently scourged. The missionaries did not linger in the two towns, possibly because they contained few, if any, Jews.

Thessalonica. Situated about 37 mi. (c. 59 km.) slightly north of west from Apollonia. The city was earlier known as Thermae, but had been enlarged by Philip of Macedon, and renamed by Cassander in honor of Thessalonike, his wife and Philip’s daughter. It was well situated for commerce on the Thermaic Gulf, and had become a port of some importance. As Thessalonike it is still an important city.

Synagogue of the Jews. As a busy commercial center, Thessalonica attracted Jews in large numbers. These members of the Dispersion (see Vol. V, pp. 59–61) enjoyed religious freedom, and were able to build their own place of worship. It is probable that the synagogue in Thessalonica also served nearby towns whose Jewish populations were not large enough to support a building of their own.

2. As his manner was. See on Acts 13:5, 14; cf. on Luke 4:16.

Went in. As of right, as a Jew. He may have been invited to speak, as in Pisidian Antioch (see on ch. 13:14).

Three sabbath days. Gr. epi sabbata tria, literally, “upon three Sabbaths.” The RSV has “for three weeks.” This translation seems unwarranted. Applying the rule that the primary, direct, and obvious translation is to be preferred, unless form or context require an accommodated meaning, the translation “Sabbaths” is appropriate here. There is nothing in the Greek, linguistic or contextual, or in the circumstances described, that requires the translation “weeks.” Of 68 versions consulted on this passage, in 13 languages, only one of them, besides the RSV, namely, the German of Bohmer, gives the reading “three weeks.” The RSV gives “sabbaths” as a marginal reading. Many versions use the expression “sabbath days” or “successive sabbaths,” precluding any thought of “weeks.” We may therefore conclude that the translation “upon three Sabbaths” is valid and to be preferred. For Paul’s relation to Sabbath observance see on chs. 13:14; 16:13. During the intervals between the Sabbaths the apostle doubtless worked at his trade of tent-making (see Acts 18:3; 1 Thess. 2:9; 2 Thess. 3:8). That Paul was allowed to preach for three Sabbaths in succession shows the respect accorded him as a rabbi, and his earnest eloquence.

Reasoned. Gr. dialegomai, “to converse,” “to discourse,” “to discuss,” rather than “to dispute,” as the same verb is translated in v. 17. Paul’s witness was as fearless as ever. He preached the gospel of God not “in word only, but also in power, and in the Holy Ghost, and in much assurance” (1 Thess. 1:5). At the same time, he was gentle, “even as a nurse cherisheth her children” (1 Thess. 2:7). As a result, not only Jews and proselytes were saved, but many Gentiles turned “from idols to serve the living and true God” (1 Thess. 1:9).

Out of the scriptures. Rather, “from the Scriptures.” Paul drew his reasons from the Scriptures, as did Jesus (Luke 24:25–27, 44), and Stephen (Acts 7), and as he himself did at Antioch in Pisidia (ch. 13:16–41).

3. Opening. Gr. dianoigoµ. The same word is used by Luke for (1) Christ’s opening, or explaining the Scriptures to the disciples on the way to Emmaus (Luke 24:32), (2) Christ’s opening the minds of the Eleven “that they might understand the scriptures” (v. 45), and (3) the Lord’s opening the heart of Lydia that she might understand Paul’s teaching (Acts 16:14). Here Paul follows his Master’s example and opens Scripture, that the minds of his hearers might open to receive his message.

Alleging. Gr. paratitheµmi, “to set forth alongside,” used of setting food on a table (ch. 16:34), or, figuratively, of setting forth arguments. “To allege,” in its older sense, did not mean to set forth a doubtful assumption but “to cite.” Paul produced scriptural proof for his teaching, and persuasively set it before his hearers in the synagogue.

Christ. The Greek has the article, giving the reading “the Christ,” or “the Messiah.” The apostle purposes to correct the Jews’ erroneous conceptions of the Messiah (see on Luke 4:19).

Must needs. Or, “it was necessary.” Paul showed how the Messiah could not conquer sin unless He suffered. Suffering was essential to triumph (see on Luke 24:26, 27).

Have suffered, and risen again. Rather, “to suffer and to rise.” Paul specifically deals with two aspects of Christian teaching that Jews found hard to accept—the suffering Messiah and His resurrection. The 53d chapter of Isaiah would hold a prominent place in such a study (see on Luke 24:26, 27; cf. on Acts 8:32–35; 13:26–33).

That this Jesus. The Greek construction justifies the insertion of “saying” before “that.” The phrase may then read, “saying that this is the Messiah, Jesus, whom I am publicly proclaiming unto you” (cf. on ch. 9:22).

4. Some of them. That is, of the Jews in the synagogue (cf. ch. 13:43). These were probably in the minority compared with the unbelieving Jews (ch. 17:5).

Believed. Rather, “were persuaded,” that is, by Paul’s reasoning.

Consorted with Paul. Literally, “were allotted to Paul [by God]” to be disciples. Rotherham translates, “cast in their lot with Paul.”

Devout Greeks. There is some textual evidence (cf. p. 10) for the reading “devout persons and Greeks.” Some of these were proselytes (see on ch. 10:2). But the Thessalonian church appears to have been predominantly Gentile, and some of its members were won from idolatry without passing through Judaism (1 Thess. 1:9; 2:14).

A great multitude. These Gentiles were not hampered by the prejudices that clung so closely about those who were born Jews.

Chief women. These may have been economically and socially independent, like Lydia (ch. 16:14), or the wives of the chief men of the town. It is not possible to decide whether they were Jewesses or Gentiles. Women enjoyed a large measure of freedom in Macedonia. It seems probable that this verse (ch. 17:4) covers more than the three Sabbaths mentioned in v. 2. The tenor of the narrative, with its picture of a prospering work at Thessalonica, and Paul’s epistle (1 Thessalonians) suggest a stay of more than three weeks.

5. Which believed not. Textual evidence favors (cf. p. 10) the omission of these words. Whether this clause is omitted is of little significance, for v. 4 states that some Jews believed, and it is obvious that those Jews who raised up a mob against Paul and Silas “believed not.” The preaching of the gospel in the synagogue almost always produced sharp division among those who heard it (see chs. 13:14, 43–45; 14:1, 2; 19:8, 9).

Moved with envy. Gr. zeµlooµ, “to be heated with envy,” that is, to be jealous (cf. on ch. 13:45).

Lewd fellows of the baser sort. The expression may be more exactly translated, “vile fellows of the rabble” (RV). The words apply to the men who, without any fixed calling, lounged about the market place, picking up an uncertain living, ready for anything bad or good that might arise. The jealous Jews were willing to employ such rascals, organize them as a mob, and use them to foment trouble against the missionaries and their converts.

Set all the city. The word for “all” does not appear in the Greek. Its omission does not weaken the force of the narrative.

On an uproar. Gr. thorubeoµ, “to disturb,” “to throw into confusion.” The riot technique used by the Jews has been copied by the enemies of Christianity throughout succeeding centuries. Opponents of the church have raised trouble, and then often accused the Christians of causing the disturbance.

Assaulted. Gr. ephisteµmi, “to come upon [anyone, anything] suddenly” (cf. Luke 20:1; Acts 22:13; 23:27). This unprovoked attack was an act of public disorder that should have caused the authorities to discipline the Jews rather than to punish Jason or Paul.

Jason. A Greek name often adopted by Jews whose Hebrew name was Joshua (2 Maccabees 4:7; see Josephus Antiquities xii. 5. 1 [239]). The name is also found in a list of Paul’s “kinsmen” (Rom. 16:21), but there is no evidence to suggest that this refers to Paul’s Thessalonian friend. That Paul had taken up residence with him would indicate that he was a Jew. His hospitable act now brought upon him the fanatical wrath of his unbelieving fellow countrymen.

Them. Paul and Silas.

People. Gr. deµmos, possibly “popular assembly,” in contrast to laos, which usually represents people as a tribe, a nation. Since Thessalonica was a free Greek city, the Jews may have planned to bring the matter before the deµmos as the people’s court. Alternatively, they may have hoped that the excited mob would lynch the missionaries, without benefit of trial.

6. Found them not. Alert friends had probably smuggled Paul and Silas out of the house and were hiding them until they could be safely moved out of Thessalonica (v. 10). When balked of their hoped-for prey, the rioters seized local victims, but dealt more legally with them.

Drew. Gr. suroµ, “to drag,” or “to draw.” In ch. 8:3 the word is used of Saul’s “haling” men and women to prison.

Certain brethren. These brethren are unnamed, but by no means unnoticed.

Rulers of the city. Gr. politarchai, from polis (“city”) and archoµn (“ruler”). In known literature the word appears to have been used only by Luke, but archeology has shown that he used it accurately. Nineteen inscriptions have been discovered in which the word politarcheµs is used. In the majority of cases the reference is to magistrates in Macedonian cities, and five inscriptions actually refer to Thessalonica, so Luke’s detailed accuracy is confirmed. He correctly described the officials in Philippi, a Roman colony, asstrateµgoi (see on ch. 16:20); but Thessalonica was a free Macedonian city, and its non-Roman magistrates, of which there were five or six at this time, were known officially as politarchai. It was before these officials that Jason and his friends were now haled.

Turned the world upside down. Or, “stirred the world up,” as also in Acts 21:38; Gal. 5:12. For comment on the word “world” (Gr. oikoumeneµ) see on Matt. 24:14; Luke 2:1. Similar charges of trouble-making were brought against Elijah (1 Kings 18:17), and against the Christians of the 3d century (Tertullian Apology 40; Ad Nationes 9). Similar accusations will be brought against God’s people in the last days (GC 614, 615).

In the present case the charge was doubtless exaggerated in the heat of the moment, but its import was serious. The Romans took pride in their Pax Romana (“Roman Peace”), and were ready to deal severely with those who disturbed it. But no matter how overstated the accusation may have been, it shows that the missionaries’ reputation for gaining converts had preceded them to Thessalonica, and testifies to the rapid spread of Christianity.

7. Hath received. Gr. hupodechomai, “to receive [as a guest],” “to entertain,” as in Luke 10:38; 19:6; James 2:25. The apostles were Jason’s guests, and consequently he was considered a sympathizer with their teaching.

These all. That is, Jason and certain brethren. Paul and Silas, whom the accusers had not found, would also be included in the accusation if they were caught. In an even broader sense, the charge may have been against the whole Christian church.

Decrees. Gr. dogmata (see on ch. 16:4). The reference is probably to Roman laws against seditious teaching. However, it is also possible that the “decrees” here may refer to the terms of the edict issued by the emperor Claudius, under which the Jews were to be expelled from Rome, if that edict was prompted by the growth of Christianity (see Vol. V, p. 71; see on ch. 18:2). Actually, this edict was binding only in Rome and its coloniae (such as Philippi), but it would influence all parts of the Roman Empire. Thus, Thessalonica, though a free city, was under the imperial government, and would harmonize its legislation with the tenor of imperial Roman policy.

Another king. Gr. basileus heteros, that is, a different kind of king (see on Matt. 6:24). On this phrase the accusers based their main charge: They claimed that the Christians were proclaiming a rival king, or emperor. A more serious accusation could hardly be laid against any group (see Mark 12:14; see on Luke 23:2), and although it was not true, it had enough basis to appear plausible. Christians everywhere taught the superiority of Christ’s kingship (see on Matt. 3:2, 3; John 18:36), and their words could readily be interpreted into seditious sentiments by hostile critics. It is clear from the letters to the Thessalonians that Paul emphasized the kingdom in his preaching, and stressed Christ’s second coming as King (1 Thess. 1:9, 10; 2:12; 4:14–17; 5:2, 23; 2 Thess. 1:5–8; 2:8). In the eyes of a Roman official, such teaching was sufficient to substantiate the charge that the irate Jews and their associates now made.

8. Troubled. Gr. tarassoµ, “to agitate,” “to stir up.” The news given by the Jews disturbed the inhabitants of Thessalonica. The public feared an insurrection, with its attendant horrors, while the officials faced the responsibility of having failed to keep order and having permitted treasonable activities.

People. Gr. ochlos, “crowd,” “multitude,” “common people”—a different word from that translated “people” (deµmos) in v. 5.

9. Security. Gr. hikanos, literally, “sufficient,” but here used as a technical term equivalent to “bail.” Jason probably had to lay down a sum of money in lieu of producing Paul and Silas in person, or as a pledge that the evangelists would not return to trouble the city, or as guarantee of his own good conduct. The local Christians ran great risks on behalf of the missionaries, but they willingly faced danger for the gospel’s sake (cf. 1 Thess. 1:6; 2:14). It is clear that the magistrates were refusing to be stampeded into injudicious action, and they merit commendation for their moderate decision. They probably judged that there was insufficient evidence for conviction.

The other. Rather, “the others.”

10. Immediately sent away. Either because of the magistrates’ command, or because of the imminent danger (cf. ch. 9:25). Paul and Silas had been the benefactors of the new believers, but now the tables were turned, and the Thessalonian Christians were efficiently caring for the missionaries. Paul never forgot their kindness, and often longed to see them again. On at least two other occasions he attempted to pay return visits to the church in Thessalonica, but had to be content to send Timothy in his stead (see on 1 Thess. 2:18; 3:1, 2).

Berea. A small Macedonian city about 50 mi. southwest of Thessalonica. The city was of far less commercial importance than Thessalonica. The town still retains its name in the modern Verria. The Biblical form of the name may be more accurately rendered Beroea. See Paul’s Second Missionary Tour.

Into the synagogue. The Jewish population was large enough to support its own place of worship. It was Paul’s custom to begin his gospel work in the synagogue (cf. on vs. 1, 2), but in this case, immediately after the trouble in Thessalonica, such action called for unusual courage.

11. Noble. Literally, “wellborn” (cf. 1 Cor. 1:26). Here the word stands for the generous, loyal temper that was ideally supposed to characterize those of aristocratic birth. It was this quality of kindliness and open-mindedness that the apostle and Luke admired in the Berean Jews. In contrast with those in the synagogue of Thessalonica, they were not the slaves of prejudice, but, with open minds, were ready to study the truths that Paul presented.

Received the word. That is, the Word of God. Paul gave them the same Biblical teaching that he had given to the Jews in Thessalonica (v. 3).

Readiness. Or, “eagerness.” They eagerly desired enlightenment.

Searched. Gr. anakrinoµ, “to investigate,” “to examine,” “to sift [evidence],” especially in a legal sense, as in chs. 4:9; 12:19. In John 5:39 a different word, ereunaoµ (“to search,” “to examine into”), is used. The Bereans used sanctified intelligence in studying the Scriptures, and found that the inspired words told of a Messiah who would suffer and rise again. Having examined the evidence and having found what was true, they proved their sincerity by accepting the new teaching. The Berean converts have always been regarded, particularly by those who emphasize the right of private judgment, as representative of those who exhibit the right relation between reason and faith, avoiding credulity on the one hand and skepticism on the other. In their readiness to look at what was proposed as truth, and to check it against a revered authority, the Scriptures, finally following truth as they found it, they constitute a good example to follow.

Daily. The use of this word suggests that Paul’s stay with the Bereans was at least long enough for him to direct the inquirers in extended study of the Word.

12. Therefore. As a result of diligent, daily searching of the Scriptures many believed the gospel message. The Bible will still bring conviction and conversion to those who sincerely search its pages for truth.

Many of them believed. In contrast with “some of them believed” (v. 4).

Honourable women. That is, women of good rank or standing, distinguished for their influence and wealth (cf. on ch. 13:50).

Which were Greeks. The phrase refers especially to the women, but it is probable that the men were also included (see on v. 4).

13. Jews of Thessalonica. These were not content with driving the missionaries out of their own town; their hatred pursued the Christians to Beroea (cf. on ch. 14:19).

Word of God. This is Luke’s term. The Thessalonian Jews who did not accept Paul’s message would not have described it as “the word of God.” Prejudice and long training in Jewish teaching blinded their eyes (cf. on 2 Cor. 3:14, 15).

Stirred up. Gr. saleuoµ, “to agitate,” “to shake thoroughly.” The figure suggests a storm at sea where all are troubled, an apt enough description for the confusion that the Jews of Thessalonica sought to create. Important textual evidence (cf. p. 10) may be cited for the reading, “they came thither also, stirring up and troubling the people” (see below under “the people”). The Jews probably made charges similar to those they had brought against the Christians in Thessalonica, accusing the believers of fomenting political disturbances.

The people. Gr. hoi ochloi, “the crowds.” Apparently the Thessalonian Jews attempted the same mob action against the apostles at Beroea as had been successful in their own city (vs. 5–10).

14. Immediately. As from Thessalonica (v. 10), so from Beroea, the departure of the apostles was made in all haste. Once again local Christians, new in the faith, and at personal risk, arranged for their teachers’ safety.

As it were to the sea. Textual evidence favors (cf. p. 10) the reading, “as far as the sea.” This sudden action was preparatory to taking ship for a destination that may not yet have been decided. Because there is no mention of stopping places between Beroea and Athens (as Amphipolis and Apollonia were listed between Philippi and Thessalonica in v. 1) it is presumed that Paul did travel by sea. Rounding the promontory of Sunium, he would enter Athens by way of the port of Piraeus (see on v. 16). He was accompanied thus far by some who had gone with him from Beroea (v. 15), but they returned and he was left alone. His desire for companionship and counsel is expressed in the message that he sent with the returning Bereans for Silas and Timothy to come to him “with all speed” (v. 15). From 1 Thess. 3:1–3 it would appear that Timothy came to Athens, probably after the incident on the Areopagus, and was sent back soon after, with words of counsel and comfort for those in Thessalonica whom he had reported as suffering much tribulation.

Silas and Timotheus. Timothy has not been mentioned by name since he was introduced into the narrative at Lystra (see on ch. 16:1), but it appears that since his circumcision (v. 3) he had constantly been with Paul. Now, with Silas, he is separated from the senior evangelist. The persecuting Jews were thirsting for Paul’s blood, and were not likely to molest the less prominent workers if they remained in Beroea. Thus Silas and Timothy would be free to strengthen the new believers in Beroea and Thessalonica.

15. Conducted. Apparently the entire care and direction of Paul’s journey was in the hands of the Bereans, rather than in his. They personally accompanied him on the journey, thus ensuring his safety.

Unto Athens. The apostle probably had planned to go on foot through Macedonia into Greece, but the unexpected crisis caused abandonment of the plan, and he took direct passage to Athens (see Paul’s Second Missionary Tour; see on v. 16). There he could safely await his fellow missionaries. He may have planned to wait without preaching, but his ardent, evangelistic spirit was roused by the sights he saw in Athens.

With all speed. Or, “as quickly as possible.” Those who had conducted Paul to Athens were sent back to Beroea with instructions to have Timothy and Silas join the apostle immediately. There is reason to think that Paul could not easily travel or work alone because of his infirmities (cf. on ch. 9:18). He wanted the presence of his faithful companions that he might promptly set about his work. In 1 Thess. 3:1, 2 is an implication that Timothy, at least, came to Athens. Apparently soon afterward Paul sent him back to care for the Thessalonian converts. From Athens, Paul went to Corinth (Acts 18:1), where Silas and Timothy later joined him (v. 5).

They departed. That is, the Bereans who had taken Paul to Athens. For the first time in his major missionary journeys, the apostle is left without the companionship of fellow workers.

16. Athens. The capital of ancient Attica and of modern Greece, situated in the southeast extremity of the Roman province of Achaia (see The Journeys of Paul). It lay 41/2 mi. from the sea, and was connected with the port of Piraeus by a broad, walled corridor. Tradition takes its history back to 1581 b.c., but the city did not become prominent until about 600 b.c. During the next 200 years Athens climbed to the peak of her power and attained her Golden Age under Pericles (461–430 b.c.). Her illustrious sons included Sophocles, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, and Demosthenes. In 338 b.c., however, the city was crushed by the rising power of Macedon, and in the 2d century b.c. was included in the Roman province of Achaia. In Paul’s day Athens no longer possessed effective political power, but it was still the recognized intellectual center of the world, and was regarded as the university city of the Roman Empire. The population probably numbered 250,000 at that time. See Paul’s Second Missionary Tour.

The focal point of Athens was the Acropolis (“upper,” or “higher,” city). This was a hill about 500 ft. high, and was the site of several famous temples, the chief and most beautiful of which were the Parthenon, the Erechtheum, and the Temple of the Wingless Victory. On a lower hill, to the west of the Acropolis, rose the Areopagus (“Mars’ hill,” see on v. 19), a bare outcrop of rock running in a northwest to southeast direction. Such was the setting in which Paul found himself while he awaited the arrival of Silas and Timothy from Beroea.

His spirit. That is, his mind, his inner spiritual depths.

Was stirred. Gr. paroxunoµ, “to irritate,” “to provoke,” “to rouse to anger” (cf. on ch. 15:39). Apparently Paul had not intended to preach in Athens, but the sights that he saw provoked him to action, and he felt impelled to speak even before Timothy and Silas arrived.

Wholly given to idolatry. Rather, “full of idols.” Josephus describes the Athenians as being “the most pious of the Greeks” (Against Apion ii. 12 [130]; Loeb ed., p. 345). According to one ancient report there were more than 3,000 statues in the Athens of Paul’s day. One of its streets was adorned with a bust of the messenger-god Hermes before every house. Temples, porticoes, colonnades, and courtyards were replete with exquisitely carved works of art that lavishly proclaimed the Greek love of beauty. Paul, with his Hellenistic background, could hardly have been indifferent to the aesthetic appeal of such artistic wealth, but any pleasure he may have felt would be overwhelmed by the spiritual implications of what he saw. The greater part of the statuary was linked with pagan worship, and could justifiably be described as “idols.” To a Jew, such a display would glaringly flout the first and second commandments. To a Christian, the sight would bring even greater sorrow as revealing the gulf that lay between Greek paganism and the gospel revelation of God in Christ. Yet, so fully did Paul share the Saviour’s desire to redeem men from their follies that his final reaction was evangelistic. He could not neglect the opportunity to proclaim the gospel to the Athenians.

17. Therefore. His righteous anger against rampant idolatry did not find vent simply in fulminations, but led him to attempt to evangelize the pagan city.

Disputed. See on v. 2.

Synagogue. There is no evidence that a large colony of Jews existed in Athens, but early Jewish inscriptions have been found in the city. Paul, as his custom was (see on Acts 9:15; 13:5, 14; cf. on Luke 4:16), went first to the Jews, naturally expecting support from them in his fight against idolatry. The narrative gives no hint as to his reception among his compatriots, and leaves no record of tangible results from his work with them.

Devout persons. See on ch. 10:2.

Market. Gr. agora (see on Matt. 11:16; Acts 16:19). In Athens there were two agorae, one being the commercial market place, whereas the other, to which reference is here made, was the social center of the city. In the time of Paul it was adorned with a host of statues, images of national heroes as well as of most of the gods in the Greek pantheon. This agora was the arena where most political and philosophical discussions were conducted in Athens. Here Paul would hear professional and amateur philosophers disputing with one another and with their hearers. The apostle would be free to participate in the discussions and to expound his own philosophy of life.

Them that met with him. Rather, “the chance comers,” that is, the casual passers-by, difficult soil in which to sow gospel seed.

18. Philosophers. Literally, “lovers of wisdom,” a term used of those who were given to the pursuit of wisdom, or learning.

Epicureans. The two philosophic schools, the Epicureans and the Stoics, were at this time the great representatives of Greek thought. Epicureanism took its name from its founder, Epicurus, who lived a long and quiet life at Athens, from about 342 to 270 b.c. In harmony with its founder’s will, meetings were held in a garden, and hence the Epicureans were sometimes known as the School of the Garden. The speculations of Epicurus included both a physical and an ethical solution of the problems of the universe. In company with most thoughtful men of the time, he rejected the popular polytheism, which he did not yet dare openly renounce, and taught that the gods in their serenity were too far removed from men to be bothered about men’s sorrows or sins. They needed no sacrifices and answered no prayers. The great evil of the world was superstition, which was enslaving the minds of most men, and was the source of most crime and misery. Man’s goal was the attainment of happiness, and the first step toward it was emancipation from the idea of future punishment. The next step was to recognize that happiness consisted in pleasurable emotions. Experience showed that what some call pleasure is frequently more than offset by the pain that follows; consequently he taught that one should avoid sensual excesses. The life of Epicurus himself seems to have been marked by self-control, kindliness, generosity, piety, and patriotism (Diogenes Lae¬rtius x. 10). But he regarded human laws as merely conventional arrangements, and found no place for a higher moral law. Each man was therefore left to arbitrate on the lawfulness of his own pleasures, and most men chose a life of ease and self-indulgence. Sometimes, but all too rarely, careful thinking balanced an Epicurean’s tendency to sink into animalism. More often those who devoted themselves to the indulgence of the sense of taste, on the one hand, and of sexual freedom, on the other, provided sorry exhibits of the depth of degradation to which such a philosophy permitted men to sink.

Epicurus has been credited with foreseeing some of the so-called discoveries of modern science in the world of physics. He excluded the idea of both creation and control. He taught that matter had existed from eternity, and that the infinite atoms of which matter was composed had by a process of attraction and repulsion entered into manifold combinations, out of which had issued the world of nature as men see it. The poem of Lucretius, De Rerum Natura, is perhaps the loftiest expression of this negative and virtually atheistic system, for it does possess a certain nobility of indignant protest against the superstition that so firmly gripped the pagan world.

Epicurean poetry gives characteristic examples of the ethical teaching of this system. Says Horace: “Cease to ask what the morrow will bring forth, and set down as gain each day that Fortune grants” (Odes i. 9; Loeb ed., 29).

“Show wisdom. Strain clear the wine; and since life is brief, cut short far-reaching hopes! Even while we speak, envious time has sped. Reap the harvest of to-day, putting as little trust as may be in the morrow!” (ibid. 11; Loeb ed., p. 33).

Paul was now brought face to face with this philosophy. In vs. 22–31 we learn how he dealt with it. He asserted the personality of the living God, as Creator, Ruler, Father; the binding force of a divine law written in the heart; the nobility of a life raised above a frantic search for pleasure, and spent, not for itself, but for others and for God. Finally, he pointed to man’s moral accountability in the light of the resurrection and the judgment. Such teaching set the apostle apart from the pagan professors of higher philosophy.

Stoicks. This school of philosophy took its name, not from its founder Zeno (c. 340–c. 260 b.c.), of Citium in Cyprus, but from the Stoa Poikileµ, the painted porch in the agora at Athens, where Zeno used to teach. Josephus (Life 2 [12]) states that there are points of similarity between the Stoics and the Pharisees. Indeed it may be said that their attitude toward the moral life of heathenism at this time presented many features similar to that of the Pharisees. They taught that true wisdom consists in being the master, and not the slave, of circumstances. The things that are not in our power are neither to be coveted nor avoided, but are to be accepted with equanimity. The seeker after wisdom was taught to be indifferent alike to pleasure or pain, and to maintain an intellectual neutrality. Stoic theology was nobler than that of the Epicureans. The Stoics conceived of a divine mind pervading the universe and ordering its affairs. They recognized its authority in the affairs of nations and in the lives of individual men, yet held a practical belief in freedom of man’s will. The Manual of Ethics, a record of the philosophy of Epictetus, the ex-slave, and the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, the emperor, show how the slave and the emperor are, in a sense, considered as equals according to this system of philosophy. The writings of Seneca show that the ethics of the Stoics were similar to those of Christians. Many of the Stoics became tutors for the sons of noble families, and exercised influence comparable to that of Jesuit confessors in Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries.

There were several drawbacks to the ethical effectiveness of their philosophy: (1) In aiming at unconcern for themselves they also lost sympathy for others; (2) in aspiring to ethical perfection through the operation of their own will, they falsely assumed of their own will, they falsely assumed that men are able to work out their own salvation; (3) in stressing the perfect life, the high ideal—like the Pharisees—they made it a mask for selfish and corrupt lives. Like the Pharisees, they were too often “hypocrites” (or, “play-actors”), acting a part before the world to which their inward character did not correspond. In the language of the satirist:

“People who ape the Curii and live like Bacchanals dare talk about morals” (Juvenal Satires ii. 2, 3; Loeb ed., p. 17).

Obviously there were numerous points of similarity between the better representatives of this school of thought and Paul, nevertheless, even for them the basic principles that he represented would seem to them an idle dream. When Paul spoke of Jesus and the resurrection, and of a judgment to come, the Stoics shrank from the thought that they needed pardon and redemption.

Encountered. Gr. sumballoµ, “to bring together,” not necessarily with bad intent, but as a casual meeting.

Babbler. Gr. spermologos, literally, “seed picker,” often used of birds that picked up stray seeds. Here the philosophers applied the term to Paul, as one who, having picked up stray scraps of knowledge, was overready to instruct those who were better informed.

Strange gods. That is, foreign deities. The Greek word here translated “gods” (daimonia) is used by NT writers for “demons,” or “devils” (see on Mark 1:23), malign supernatural beings, unworthy of man’s worship. But pagan writers used daimonia for an inferior order of divine beings, not necessarily evil, who claimed men’s adoration. It was one of the accusations brought against Socrates, the charge on which he was condemned, that he introduced new daimonia (Xenophon Memorabilia i. 1. 1, 2). But the intellectual atmosphere at Athens had changed since the prosecution of Socrates, for it was not anger but curiosity that prompted Paul’s challengers. They were not assailing Paul for his teaching; amid the abundance of idols they probably felt no difficulty in allowing Jesus a place, provided that He would not seek to overthrow their own divinities.

It has been thought by some that the Athenians, by using the plural word “gods,” understood that “Jesus” was one new divinity and Anastasis (Greek for “resurrection”) another. The Athenians had dedicated temples and altars to Concord, and Epimenides had bidden them erect altars to Insolence and Disgrace (Cicero De Legibus ii. 11), the two demons they blamed for bringing their city to ruin. It would be natural for the Greeks to think of the Christian preacher as a setter forth of new “divinities.” They also saw that he had more to say that they had yet heard.

Jesus. The Saviour was the constant theme of apostolic preaching (cf. chs. 2:22; 3:13; 5:30, 42; 8:5, 35; 9:20; 11:20; 13:23; etc.). Paul boldly proclaims the same Jesus to the skeptical intellectuals of Athens.

Resurrection. This was also a central theme in the preaching of the early church (cf. chs. 2:24; 3:15; 4:2, 10; 10:40; etc.). Paul had personal experience to prove Christ’s resurrection, for he had conversed with the risen Lord (ch. 9:4–6). But the apostle was also teaching the final resurrection of all men (cf. on Acts 17:32; 1 Cor. 15:51; 1 Thess. 4:14–16), and this is what startled the philosophers of Athens. They already believed in the immortality of the soul, but were astonished to hear anyone teaching the literal resurrection of the body. In 1 Cor. 15:35–44 we see the nature of the objections raised to this doctrine, and the manner in which Paul answered them.

19. Took him. Gr. epilambanoµ, “to take hold of.” It is not to be supposed that any violence was used or intended. Paul was alone, and if it is true that his eyesight was a problem to him (see on ch. 9:18), he may have been somewhat dependent upon others in getting readily from place to place. Epilambanoµ is often used of taking by the hand to aid or protect (see Mark 8:23; Acts 23:19), and is employed by Luke to describe the action of Barnabas when he “took” Paul “and brought him to the apostles” (ch. 9:27). Moreover, the whole context shows that the action of the crowd was in no sense an arrest, for when his speech was done, “Paul departed from among them” (ch. 17:33), evidently having been under no sort of duress.

Areopagus. Gr. Areios Pagos, “hill of Ares,” Ares being the Greek equivalent to the Latin Mars, the god of war; hence, Areios Pagos is translated “Mars’ hill” in v. 22. For its location see on v. 16. The site was famous as the meeting place of the Athenian council of Areopagus, which took its name from the hill on which it met. This council, which claimed to owe its origin to Athena, the patron goddess of the city, was the oldest and most revered tribunal in Athens. It numbered among its members men of the highest official rank. Originally it had consisted only of those who had served in the high office of archon and had attained 60 years of age. Pericles had in some measure limited its wide authority (5th century b.c.), and it was as the spokesman of the party who opposed Pericles’ ideas of progress that Aeschylus wrote the tragedy Eumenides, which stressed the divine authority of the council. Exactly what authority this council may have exercised in Paul’s day is not known.

Opinion is divided as to whether Paul was taken to the hill or before the council. The Greek text has the definite article before Areios Pagos, giving the translation “the Areopagus,” which may refer to the hill, or to the council of the Areopagus, which had long since been simply called “the Areopagus.” The hill itself was comparatively small, and crowded with altars, so the council usually met in the Stoa Basileios, “King’s Porch,” and assembled on Mars’ Hill only to deliver its judgment. If Paul was taken before the council, it is extremely unlikely that there were any judicial proceedings. His appearance would rather be for the purpose of presenting his teaching before the supreme intellectual body of the university city. If, on the other hand, he was taken only to the hill, he could still have been heard by the rather select group of Epicurean and Stoic philosophers who wished to decide on the value of his strange teaching. There, distant from the bustle of the agora (see on v. 17), the apostle would be free to expound his doctrine. Some suppose that the court was sitting when Paul was brought to the hill, particularly since a member of the court was converted by Paul’s preaching (see on v. 34). But there is no evidence on this point.

May we know? An idiomatic expression, which may here be rendered: “Is it possible for the us to know?”—a question that may have been courteous, sarcastic, or ironical. The Epicureans and Stoics had no doubts about their own ability to understand all that Paul might say to them, but they were obviously eager to hear about his strange teaching.

New doctrine. Gr. kainos, “new” in quality; hence here, by implication, something different from the usual barren philosophies peddled by the Athenians and so highly prized by them.

20. Strange things. The clause may be rendered: “For surprising things you are bringing to our ears.” Never before had his audience heard any teaching such as Paul was bringing them. His message startled them into attention by the strangeness of its contents.

We would know. That is, we wish to know (cf. on v. 19). Their consuming passion was “to know,” to acquire knowledge.

What these things mean. Paul had been able to sketch only the outline of his message (v. 18). His hearers now wanted to have its import and application explained to them.

21. All the Athenians. Rather, “all Athenians.” This verse is a parenthesis to explain those that precede. The restless inquisitiveness of the Athenian mind was proverbial. In words almost identical with those Luke here uses, Demosthenes formerly reproached his fellow citizens for idling away their time in the agora, asking for news of Philip of Macedon’s movements or of the actions of their own envoys, when they should have been devoting their efforts to preparation for war (First Philippic 10–13 [43]).

Strangers. That is, resident foreigners, of whom there were a great many in Athens. The intellectual life of the city attracted a very mixed group—young Romans sent to finish their education, artists, sight-seers, philosophers, and curiosity seekers from every province in the empire, and even beyond.

Spent their time. More literally, “were having leisure for.” The tense of the Greek verb implies that this was their constant state of mind. If all one’s time is spent in a certain occupation, there is no leisure for anything else. The Athenians could find time for the pursuit of novelty, but for little else besides.

Some new thing. Literally, “some newer thing,” or, as we would say, the “very latest news.” This propensity of the Athenian populace is confirmed by statements of classical authors. Thucydides represents Cleon as complaining of his countrymen that they were in the habit of playing the part of “‘spectators of words and hearers of deeds’” (History iii. 38. 4; Loeb ed., Thucydides, vol. 2, p. 63). Reference has already been made to a like charge laid by Demosthenes.

22. Mars’ hill. Rather, “the Areopagus” (see on v. 19). If the apostle was standing atop the rocky hill, he looked down upon the temple of Hephaestus to the northwest, and up to the Parthenon that rose above him on the Acropolis. On the height of that larger hill stood the colossal bronze statue of Athena, who was regarded as the tutelary goddess of her beloved Athens. Below the apostle lay the city itself, which was veritably “full of idols.” See illustration facing p. 352.

Men of Athens. Although this is a respectful opening, the speech that follows is not that of a man on trial (cf. on v. 19), but of an ardent advocate of peculiar, but cherished, beliefs. Paul adopts the language of Athenian orators. This was in keeping with his custom of adapting himself to his audience (see on 1 Cor. 9:19–22). That Paul was able to do this speaks highly of his ability. Luke compresses the apostle’s speech into ten verses (Acts 17:22–31), but it is probable that Paul spoke at much greater length, especially before so distinguished an audience.

Perceive. Gr. theoµreoµ, “to behold,” “to look at,” suggesting that Paul was basing his remarks on what he had seen.

Too superstitious. Gr. deisidaimonesteroi, a comparative adjective formed from deidoµ (“to fear”) and daimoµn (“deity”), and translatable as “more god-fearing.” The Greek word (deisidaimoµn) was used in both a good and a bad sense. A deisidaimoµn was a consulter of soothsayers and a believer in omens. He would, for instance, avoid making a journey if he saw a weasel on the road. A conspicuous example of this overreligiosity in high places is that of Nicias, the Athenian general, who was always oppressed with a sense of the jealousy of the gods, and therefore countermanded important strategic movements, because there was an eclipse of the moon (Thucydides History vii. 504). The emperor Marcus Aurelius, a Stoic (Meditations i. 16) congratulates himself on being, not a deisidaimoµn, but, from his mother’s devotion, a theosebeµs, a devout man (ibid. i. 3). Paul was not likely to employ a word in a derogatory sense at the very beginning of his speech. He would rather be commenting on the scrupulous way in which the Athenians sought to acknowledge all forms of deity. Such an opening would gain the attention of the philosophers, and the Athenians in general.

23. Passed by. Rather “passed through,” that is, through the city, either in leisurely wandering or while entering the city and penetrating to its center.

Beheld. Gr. anatheoµreoµ, “to look at attentively,” “to observe accurately.”

Devotions. Gr. sebasmata, “objects of worship,” rather than “acts of worship.” Paul had seen and studied many of the numerous statutes and their inscriptions. He politely identifies these sculptures as the Athenians’ deities, the objects of their worship. Thus he sough to create good will at the outset that he might receive a continued hearing. He was intent on winning, not alienating, his audience.

Found an altar. The Greek has an emphatic conjunction between the words translated “found” and “an altar,” so the phrase should read, “found also an altar,” that is, in addition to the host of devotional objects already noted. The Greek word for “altar” (boµmos) is used only here in the NT, but it appears in the LXX, where it sometimes refers to heathen altars (Ex. 34:13; Num. 23:1; Deut 7:5).

With this inscription. Literally, “upon which had been written.”

To the Unknown God. Gr. agnoµstoµ theoµ, “to an unknown God.” This unusual ascription has been the center of much discussion. Some have doubted the existence of an altar with such an inscription, and others have thought that Paul or Luke referred in the singular to an inscription that was generally found in the plural, that is, “to unknown gods.” A reasonable solution of the problem can be found in a consideration of ancient references to altars bearing similar inscriptions. Four of these may be mentioned: (1) Pausanius (c. a.d. 150) says that on the road from Phaleron, one of the harbors of Athens, there were altars to gods that were called unknown (i. 1. 4); (2) the same writer records that at Olympia there was also an altar to unknown gods (i. 14. 8); (3) Diogenes Laлrtius (i. 110), an early 3d century writer, tells how Epimenides of Crete was invited to help Athens in the time of great pestilence. The Cretan took some black and some white sheep to the Areopagus and turned them loose to wander through the city. Wherever one of the sheep lay down, a sacrifice was offered, and an altar was erected on the spot. The memorials of this atonement bore no name. (4) Philostratus (c. a.d. 200), in the Life of Apollonius of Tyana (vi. 3), makes special mention of Athens, where, says he, there were even altars to unknown deities. Such references are sufficient to establish the fact that the Greeks did erect altars to gods whose names they did not know. Although, outside the NT, there is not known record of an altar bearing the inscription in the singular, “to an unknown god,” the evidence above cited demonstrates the possibility that such an altar existed in Paul’s day. The presence of such an altar would be in harmony with what is known about Athenian religious philosophy. The inhabitants of the city were anxious to propitiate all deities, and erected altars to an unknown god, or to unknown gods, in order that none might be neglected. Such a practice represents the ultimate confession, similar to that which has sometimes been heard on the lips of modern scientist, of man’s impotence to solve the problems of the universe. A Latin counterpart of the Greek inscriptions is found on an altar discovered at Ostia, the seaport of Rome, and now in the Vatican Museum. This altar presents a Mithraic sacrificial group, and bears the inscription, “The Symbol of the Undiscoverable God.” An altar has also been found at Pergamum with a broken inscription in Greek apparently dedicating it to unknown gods.

Whom. Textual evidence favors (cf. p. 10) the reading “what” and “this” instead of “whom” and “him.” Paul doubtless used the neuter pronouns, although he was referring to the Deity, since the Athenians were as yet ignorant of the personality of the living God. He may also have had the Godhead in mind, as in v. 29, where the Greek word for “Godhead” (theion) is neuter.

Ignorantly. Gr. agnoountes, a participle meaning “unknowing.” Here Paul makes a play on Greek words. He declares that the “unknown [agnostos] god” is the One “which you [who are] unknowing [agnoountes] are worshiping.”

Declare. Gr. kataggelloµ, “to announce,” “to proclaim.” In v. 18 the philosophers had used virtually the same word (kataggeleus, “an announcer,” “a proclaimer”) to describe Paul as “a setter forth of strange gods.” Paul does not trouble to deny the charge, but takes the word (kataggelloµ) and uses it to justify his own procedure. In this way he was able to introduce the true God, whom he loved and served.

24. God. Now that Paul is speaking of the true God, he drops the neuter form of v. 23 and employs the masculine gender. This places the One whom he worships on a higher plane than the gods of the Athenians.

That made the world. Here the apostle gives the ultimate identification of the God to whom he is referring—He is the Creator. This distinguishes Him from all false gods (see on Jer. 10:10–12). Creation by a personal God was a teaching opposed to both Epicurean and Stoic philosophy, yet Paul so states it that it arouses the wonder and interest of his listeners, and he is allowed to continue. The word translated “world” (kosmos) was used by the Greeks with reference to the ordered universe, and might embrace both “heaven and earth” (cf. on Matt. 4:8).

All things therein. The intrepid speaker leaves no room for misinterpretation of his words or the insertion of skeptical ideas—God not only made the universe, but created all things therein. Such teaching rings the death knell of pagan mythology.

He is Lord. Rather, “He, being Lord.” This places Paul’s God immeasurably above all other supposed deities, and makes Him the possessor and ruler of the whole universe.

Dwelleth not in temples. See on Acts 7:48; cf. John 4:21–24. While speaking of “temples” Paul would probably be pointing to the magnificent examples of Greek architectural skill with which he was surrounded in Athens. His teaching of the omnipresence and transcendency of God made pagan worship seem futile and divorced from the high spiritual qualities he was now proclaiming.

25. Worshipped. Gr. therapeuoµ, “to treat,” “to heal” in a medical sense, but here used with religious significance, and meaning “to serve.” Paul is emphasizing the spiritual nature of the service that God expects from men, in contrast with the materialistic worship that unregenerate men tend to give.

He needed any thing. Literally, “[as though] needing anything in addition.” Pagan religions represented their gods as dependent on, and covetous of, men’s gifts. Paul explains that the true God is different. Men should think of God as the supreme giver, not requiring anything at their hands but justice, mercy, and humility (Micah 6:8). Other Jewish and heathen writers had borne witness to the same truth. David had said, “Thou desirest not sacrifice; else would I give it” (Ps. 51:16), and the Latin Epicurean poet Lucretius (De Rerum Natura ii. 649–651; Loeb ed., p. 131) had written of the divine nature, saying that it was “without danger, itself mighty by its own resources, needing us not at all, it is neither propitiated with services nor touched by wrath.”

Giveth to all. By these words Paul included his hearers, and states that they too are dependent upon the God of whom he is speaking.

Life, and breath. These two nouns may be taken to comprehend man’s mortal existence. God gives man original life, and maintains that life by granting him physical breath. Thus Paul emphasizes man’s utter dependence on the one true God.

26. One blood. Important textual evidence may be cited (cf. p. 10) for the omission of “blood,” which word may have been later added to clarify the thought. Paul is stating the historical truth that all men, and consequently all nations, sprang from one common ancestor, Adam. The belief was one that no Greek, and especially no Athenian, was likely to accept. For such, the distinction between Greek and barbarian was radical and essential. The one was by nature meant to be the slave of the other (Aristotle Politics i. 2. 6). But there was no place in Paul’s theology for a “superior” race. He believed the Genesis account of the creation of man. He saw the oneness of physical structure, of potential or actual development, which forbids any one race or nation—Hebrew, Hellenic, Latin, or Teutonic—to assume that it is the cream and flower of humanity. Compare Gal. 3:28; Col. 3:11, where Paul stresses the unity achieved through belief in Christ. The Christian is doubly obligated to recognize the oneness of men—through creation and through salvation.

All the face of the earth. A further link in Paul’s chain of reasoning. The Creator intended men to populate all parts of the earth, without assigning superiority to the inhabitants of any particular section.

Hath determined. Gr. horizoµ, “to mark out the boundaries,” “to appoint,” “to determine.” The form of the word used here is a participle, and may be translated “having determined.”

Times before appointed. Gr. prostetagmenoi kairoi, “appointed times [or “seasons”].” The sense is more readily perceived if the word “their” is inserted so that the phrase reads, “having determined their appointed times.” The word “times” (kairoi) refers to historical epochs rather than yearly seasons. The reference is to God’s knowledge of men’s affairs.

Bounds. That is, God, through His providence, has fixed the natural boundaries, or limits, for the nations (see on Dan. 4:17; cf. Deut. 32:8).

27. Seek the Lord. Textual evidence favors (cf. p. 10) the reading “seek God,” and some evidence may also be cited for the reading “seek the Godhead.” But the meaning is clear: God so planned His creation that all who wished might seek and find Him.

If haply. Gr. ei ara ge, “if then indeed,” or “that then indeed.” God expects men to seek Him. The only doubt involved derives from the fact that often men do not choose to do so.

Might feel after. Gr. pseµlaphaoµ, “to handle,” “to touch,” “to feel,” used in the LXX for the act of groping in the dark (Deut. 28:29; John 5:14; etc.). This aptly describes men’s blind groping for knowledge of the Supreme Being.

Find him. The altar to the Unknown God was a witness that they had not found Him. “The world by wisdom knew not God” (1 Cor. 1:21). But Paul brought the assurance that the true seeker could know. God desires to be found. He is “a rewarder of them that diligently seek him” (Heb. 11:6).

Not far. The whole clause is very emphatic, and literally reads: “And yet He is not far from each one of us.” There is no doubt expressed in Paul’s words; he is rather making a positive statement of fact. The Lord is near to men, even when they do not acknowledge Him. This makes it a comparatively simple matter for men to find God, for He is by their side, awaiting their awakening and aiding their efforts to discover Him. God can and does reveal Himself according to the measure of zeal and earnestness shown by those who seek Him. At this point the Stoics would see parallels between their own teaching and Paul’s thinking, but the Epicureans would be repelled, for the apostle’s words constituted an attack on the basic atheism of their system.

28. In him we live. The whole clause literally reads: “In [or “by”] Him we are living, and are being moved, and are existing.” The words of the apostle express the thought that not merely our initial dependence is on the Creator, but that all our activities—physical, mental, and spiritual—are derived from Him. In the teaching of Paul the personality of the omnipotent, omniscient God is not merged, as is the God of the pantheist, in the impersonal Soul of the world, but stands forth with awful distinctness in the character of Creator and Sustainer of all life. “Through the agencies of nature, God is working, day by day, hour by hour, moment by moment, to keep us alive, to build up and restore us … The power working through these agencies is the power of God” (MH 112, 113).

Your own poets. It is possible that this phrase refers back to the first statement in this verse, as well as forward to the quotation that follows. The words “for in him we live, and move, and have our being” are an almost exact quotation from a stanza that appears to have been written by Epimenides the Cretan (6th century b.c.), and is recorded by the 9th century commentator IshoХdad:

“They fashioned a tomb for thee, O holy and high one—

The Cretans, always liars, evil beasts, idle bellies!

But thou art not dead; thou livest and abidest for ever;

For in thee we live and move and have our being”

(quoted in F. F. Bruce, The Book of the Acts [The New International Commentary on the New Testament], p. 359).

This passage is interesting, not only in view of the possible connection of Epimenides with the altar “To the Unknown God” (see on v. 23), but particularly because it contains the quotation Paul uses of the Cretans in Titus 1:12. That Paul quoted Epimenides in the latter instance increases the probability that he also had his verse in mind here.

The second phrase, “for we are also his offspring,” is clearly a quotation from a Greek poet, and was confessedly so used by Paul. It comes from Aratus (c. 270 b.c.), who was a friend of Zeno, founder of the Stoics. Like Paul, Aratus was from Cilicia. His didactic poem, Phaenomena, dealing with the main facts of astronomical and meteorological science as then known, opens with an invocation to Zeus, and contains the words that Paul quotes:

“From Zeus let us begin; him do we mortals never leave

unnamed; full of Zeus are all the streets and

all the market-places of men; full is the

sea and the heavens thereof; always we all have need of Zeus

For we are also his offspring.”

(Phaenomena 1–5; Loeb ed., p. 381).

The quotation would at once catch the attention of Paul’s hearers. By quoting from their own literature, Paul illustrated his policy of becoming “all things to all men” (1 Cor. 9:22). They would recognize that they were not dealing with an uneducated Jew, like the traders and exorcists so common in Greek cities, but with a man possessed of a culture like their own, and familiar with the thoughts of their poets. There is no need to exaggerate Paul’s classical scholarship, but it is clear from the references here mentioned, and from the quotation in 1 Cor. 15:32, that the apostle was acquainted with Greek authors and was able to introduce apt quotations from their works when the situation warranted. By so doing he does not necessarily endorse the sentiments revealed in the contexts of the words he utilizes, but merely uses Greek writers to illustrate the higher teaching he presents.

Paul’s psychological approach at this juncture is instructive. The apostle does not tell them at the outset that they have too high an opinion of themselves, that they are only creatures of the dust, children of the devil. Instead, he points out that they have taken too low an estimate of their position. They have forgotten that they are God’s offspring, and have counted themselves, even as the unbelieving Jews had done, “unworthy of everlasting life” (Acts 13:46).

29. The offspring of God. The apostle immediately uses the words of the Greek poet (see on v. 28) to combat idolatry. If we are indeed God’s “offspring,” our conception of Him should mount upward, rather than descend to idols, which, being made by men, are below them. Although he subscribes to the same truth that is uttered by the OT prophets (1 Kings 18:27; Ps. 135:15–18; Isa. 44:9–20), Paul’s tone in speaking of idolatry is very different from theirs. He has studied the beginning of idolatry, and instead of speaking of it with scorn, hatred, and derision, he speaks of it with pity toward those who are its victims.

Ought not to think. As a man is of more honor than material things, how far above these must the Godhead be.

Godhead. Gr. theion, “divinity,” “deity.” Theion is used by Josephus (Antiquities viii. 4. 2 [107]) and Philo (The Unchangeableness of God xxiii [105]) for the one true God, and is here employed by Paul as a term acceptable to his Greek audience.

Gold, or silver, or stone. The first word would remind the Athenians of the lavish use of gold in the colossal statute of Athena by Phidias that stood in the Parthenon. Silver was not commonly employed, but the shrines of Artemis (Diana) at Ephesus (see on ch. 19:24) are examples of its usage. “Stone” was the term commonly applied to the marble of Mt. Pentelicus, which was so widely used in the beautiful sculpture and architecture of Athens.

Graven by art. Rather, “graven [or “sculptured”] work of art.”

Man’s device. Rather, “thought [or “imagination”] of man.” This and the preceding phrase reveal Paul’s awareness of the art with which he was surrounded in Athens.

30. Times of this ignorance. The clause literally reads “The times of ignorance therefore.” The word here used for “ignorance” (agnoia), and the words for “unknown” and “ignorantly” in v. 23 are from the same root, and illustrate the closely woven texture of Paul’s speech. He characterizes and partially excuses the whole pre-Christian period as being based on lack of knowledge, especially knowledge of the divine.

Winked at. Gr. hupereidon, “to overlook.” The English phrase, as now used, suggests not merely tolerance, but a conniving at, and condoning of, the wrong. Paul was actually deriving some comfort from the thought that ignorance lessened the guilt of, and thus the punishment due to, the heathen world. In the past ages of the world there had been a “passing over” (paresis) of men’s sins in that full retribution had not fallen upon sinners. This was due to the forbearance of God (see on Rom. 3:25). In His great mercy, the Lord was granting forgiveness to men, on condition of repentance, because of Christ’s atoning sacrifice.

But now. There is no word for “but” in the original. However, the Greek phrase points up the contrast between the past times of ignorance and the present time of enlightenment ushered in by such preaching as Paul’s.

Commandeth. Or, “proclaims,” “announces,” “declares.”

All men every where. A comprehensive phrase that embraces every human being, and harmonizes with the worldwide nature of the gospel commission (cf. Matt. 24:14; Mark 16:15).

Repent. God has pointed out man’s sinfulness, but His rich mercy has made it possible for him to find forgiveness, on condition of repentance.

At this point in Paul’s address the reaction of both Stoics and Epicureans, who had followed Paul’s thought, would begin to undergo a change. The Epicurean might regret the mistakes he had made in his search for enjoyment. But a change such as repentance implied—a change of mind, a loathing of one’s past and a resolve to live on a higher plane in the future—was altogether alien to his thoughts. The Stoics, on the other hand, accepted the consequences of their actions with serene apathy. They gave thanks that they were not as other men, that they had been able by their own efforts to attain to ethical perfection. But the idea of repenting had not as yet dawned on their thoughts (cf. Marcus Aurelius Meditations i. 1–16).

31. Because. Or, “inasmuch as.” Paul deduces the call to repentance from the fact of the coming judgment.

A day. That is, a certain time, not necessarily a literal day.

Will judge. Gr. melloµ krinein, “to be about to judge,” or, simply as a future, “will judge,” “to intend to judge.” Paul, quoting from Ps. 9:8, is emphasizing the certainty, and possibly the proximity, of the judgment (cf. Acts 24:25; Rom. 2:5, 6, 16). The proclamation of a coming judgment is an integral part of Pauline and Christian doctrine (see on Rev. 14:6, 7). Christianity does not leave men in ignorance of what awaits them, but gives a comprehensive, though necessarily brief, survey of events to come. But the thought of a judgment is rarely welcome to mankind. Men do not like to face the prospect of coming before the judgment bar of God. The Greeks were no exception in this respect, and it is probable that, from this juncture onward, the Epicureans and Stoics strongly resisted Paul’s exposition.

World. Gr. oikoumeneµ, “the inhabited earth” (see on Matt. 24:14; Luke 2:1). The word was also commonly used to designate the Roman world, or the civilized world in contrast with barbarian regions.

In righteousness. That is, in a righteous atmosphere, justly (cf. Ps. 9:8; 96:13; 2 Tim. 4:8).

By that man. Literally, “by a man.” From what follows, it is clear to Christians that Paul is referring to Jesus, but the record of the speech does not show that the apostle had an opportunity publicly to identify the “man” (see on v. 32).

Whom he hath ordained. That is, appointed, particularly for the work of judgment. Compare on Acts 10:42; Rom. 2:16.

Given assurance. That is, has furnished grounds for confidence.

Unto all men. The word for “men” does not appear in the Greek, but Paul is again stressing the universal nature of the gospel call.

Hath raised him. The resurrection of Jesus is here introduced as an earnest of God’s intentions toward mankind, in respect to the judgment and, by implication, to His giving eternal life through Christ Jesus. Paul was denied the opportunity of developing his theme, for his mention of the resurrection aroused the scorn of his listeners and brought his speech to an abrupt end. Had the address been complete, Paul probably would have spoken in more definite language about the life and work of Jesus and His key position in God’s plan for mankind. Notice how his argument progresses. Paul first speaks of God as the Creator of the world and of man, and of the regulations He made for man’s abode on the earth. He then reasons that all this should inspire men to know that God is far exalted above men. This should lead them to seek after Him, knowing that such a Creator is never far away, and is awaiting the approaches of His creation. But now the days when unenlightened men had to depend on God’s revelation through nature are at an end. He has spoken through the Son of man, whom the resurrection proved to be the Son of God. Through this Son, God will judge the world, for which judgment men should prepare themselves by repentance.

32. When they heard. Respectful attention appears to have been granted the apostle until he broached the subject of the resurrection from the dead. That the dead should be raised appeared incredible to the Epicureans and Stoics, as well as to the Greeks generally, and even to the Sadducees (cf. Acts 23:8; 26:8; 1 Cor. 15:35). The world then, as now, was prepared to believe in the immortality of the soul, but was unwilling to accept the doctrine of the resurrection of the body.

Some mocked. The Greek tense implies that they began to mock, that is, at this point in Paul’s speech. The word “some” may include both Epicureans and Stoics.

Hear thee again. Some may have had a genuine desire to hear more on such a vital subject, but it does not appear that they ever again heard from the Apostle to the Gentiles. Compare the attitude of Felix (ch. 24:25).

34. Howbeit. That is, on the other hand, in happy contrast with those who rejected Paul’s message.

Clave. Gr. kallaoµ (see on chs. 5:13; 9:26). There was a drawing power in the apostle’s character and words that attracted men to him. Some have accounted Paul’s Athenian speech a failure, but such judgment is not fair in view of the converts he gained.

Dionysius the Areopagite. That is, a member of the council of the Areopagus (see on v. 19). In earlier times, at least, the constitution of the council required its members to have filled a high magisterial function, such as that of archon, and to be above 60 years of age. Probably, therefore, this convert was a man of some note. According to a tradition, ascribed by Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History iii. 4. 9, 10; iv. 4. 23) to a bishop of Corinth, this Dionysius became the first bishop of Athens. An elaborate treatise on The Celestial Hierarchy is extant under this man’s name, but is of a much later date, probably of the 4th or 5th century. The legend of the Seven Champions of Christendom has transformed Dionysius into the Saint Denis of France.

Damaris. Possibly, Damalis, “heifer,” a fairly common Greek name. There is no identification of this female convert. Chrysostom and others believed her to be the wife of Dionysius, but this has no basis in any known fact.

Others with them. The contrast between this and the “great multitude” at Thessalonica (v. 4) and the “many” at Beroea (v. 12), is significant. No less striking is the lack of any mention of Athens in Paul’s epistles. The nearest to mention is the probable inclusion of the Athenian Christians among “the saints which are in all Achaia” (2 Cor. 1:1). When Paul came to Corinth, he found audiences of a lower intellectual level, and he preached to them accordingly. He “determined not to know any thing among” them, “save Jesus Christ, and him crucified” (1 Cor. 2:2). He concentrated his message upon the cross of Christ, and the Spirit of God gave him marked success. But at Athens, Paul was led of the same Spirit to talk to the philosophers, and adapted his address to their mental habits. He did not gain numerous converts, as above noted, but a church was founded, which remained a constant and honorable memorial to the power of the gospel to rescue men from slavery to sin and temptation and to make them free in Christ Jesus. Compare AA 240, 241.

Ellen G. White comments

1–52T 695

1–34AA 221–242

2–5AA 229

3 GC 405; SR 373

6, 7, 10 AA 230

11 CSW 84; 1T 49; 2T 343

11, 12 AA 231; 2T 696

13 AA 232

14, 15 AA 233

16 AA 234

16–31MH 214

17, 18 AA 235

19, 20 AA 236

21 6T 70

22, 23 AA 237

23 Ed 67; 8T 257

23–26SR 312

24–28AA 238; PK 49, 50

25 ML 137; PP 525; SR 312

26, 27 AA 20; DA 403; Ed 67, 174; SR 313

27 DA 69; FE 440; TM 460

28 CS 17; MH 417; MM 9; PP 115; 8T 260

29–32AA 239

30 FE 111

31 DA 633; GC 548; 1T 54

32–346T 142

34 AA 240